Estonian Embassy in Russia :: News

Travellers All Over Russia Can Apply for Estonian Visas by Courier Service

Tue, 17 Nov 2009 09:14:36 GMT

The Foreign Ministry concluded an agreement with the company Freight Link (Pony Express), which offers courier service, so that Russian residents would have the opportunity to apply for visas to visit Estonia even from the more distant areas of the country. The agreement will allow people to apply for an Estonian visa without having to go to Moscow.

Director General of the Foreign Ministry’s consular department Lauri Bambus stated that the new service will make applying for a visa easier for those who wish to visit Estonia by helping to avoid the excessive expenditure of time and money. “When applying for a visa, it is generally required that the visa application be brought to the embassy in person. In accordance with this agreement, people in Russia can now apply for visas to Estonia via a courier service, without having to go to Moscow themselves,” said Bambus. “With this new opportunity, people will no longer have to spend money on travel to and lodging in Moscow,” he added.

Starting this month, the courier service will transport visa applications to the Estonian Embassy in Moscow and return travel documents to applicants from 38 service locations all over Russia, except for in Moscow, St. Petersburg and Pskov. To use the service, the visa applicant must pay a service fee (1 600 roubles) in addition to the visa fee. The courier service does similar co-operation with Latvia, the United States, and Canada.

It is possible to bring visa application to the service locations listed on the website:
http://www.ponyexpress.ru/services_visa_estonia.php

If they wish, visa applicants still have the option of presenting their visa application directly to the Estonian representations in Russia.

The Foreign Ministry will monitor the implementation of the courier service and currently is not considering employing a similar service in other countries. In order to facilitate applying for Estonian visas in third countries, Estonia has concluded agreements for the issuing of Schengen visas with many European Union nations.

More information about visa representation agreements on the Foreign Ministry’s website: http://www.vm.ee/?q=et/taxonomy/term/132

Estonia is waiving the visa invitation requirement

Fri, 26 Jun 2009 16:42:30 GMT

Estonia is simplifying the visa application process for people travelling to Estonia. On May 7 the Estonian Parliament (Riigikogu) approved an amendment that will waive the visa invitation requirement. The amendment will enter into force on July 30. Visa invitations submitted to and approved by the Citizenship and Migration Board before July 30 will be valid in foreign missions of Estonia as documents certifying the travel purpose within 6 months following the date of the corresponding decision,Waiving the visa invitation requirement means that those applying for visas no longer have to present an invitation approved by the Citizenship and Migration Board or other form of invitation, and from now on other documents will be sufficient to prove the purpose of travel.

The waiving of the invitation requirement will make the visa application process faster and easier. All other requirements will remain as before.

The most important thing for the visa applicant is to present his or her travel plans honestly and clearly and to fill in the visa application with his or her contact information and primary address of residence in Estonia. It is also required to submit documents that certify the purpose of travel and prove the existence of sufficient resources to cover return travel, sustenance and accommodation. It would also be useful for the applicant to indicate his or her connection to Estonia (for example, documents proving marital or family status, or a letter or email written by the person being visited in Estonia describing the person’s connection to the visa applicant).

The consul still reserves the right to ask the visa applicant or relevant individual or organisation to present oral or written explanations of the need for a visa. As before, the consul may request documents that certify the applicant’s intention to leave the Schengen area upon the expiration of the visa: return tickets, sufficient means of subsistence, proof of employment, proof of real estate in the country of residence, proof of ties with the country of residence (family ties, professional status) etc.

To prove the purpose of travel, the following supplementary documents could be submitted (the list is non-exhaustive):

For business travel: written confirmation from the company organising the meeting, conference, etc.; invitations/tickets to a fair or seminar; documents that prove the existence of business ties or certify the applicant’s connection to or status in a company.

For personal travel: documents confirming accommodation (hotel reservation, a letter or email which confirms that the receiver will allow accommodation for the visa applicant); travel package; copies of travel tickets.

Estonian Air to open direct route between Tallinn and St Petersburg

Thu, 18 Jun 2009 06:50:03 GMT

Estonian Air to open direct route between Tallinn and St Petersburg

18.06.2009

Starting from 27 July 2009, Estonian Air will operate between Tallinn and St Petersburg with four weekly flights on Mondays, Wednesdays, Fridays and Sundays.

“St Petersburg is the largest city in our region. It has many business and cultural connections with Estonia. By opening the Tallinn-St Petersburg route we would like to contribute to the development of these contacts. The schedule offers convenient connections for both business and leisure travellers,” says Rauno Parras, Estonian Air’s acting Vice President Commercial.

Tallinn-St Petersburg-Tallinn	Departure	Arrival
Monday, Wednesday, Friday OV621	Tallinn 12:50	St Petersburg 15:05
Sunday OV623	Tallinn 19:15	St Petersburg 21:30
Monday, Wednesday, Friday OV622	St Petersburg 15:45	Tallinn 15:50
Sunday OV624	St Petersburg 22:10	Tallinn 22:15

One-way fares from St Petersburg, if purchased from www.estonian-air.com, start from 86 EUR and fares from Tallinn start from 93 EUR including all fees and taxes, subject to availability.

For tickets and more information please visit our website www.estonian-air.com, contact Estonian Air Customer Service at +372 6401 163 or contact your travel agency.

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Estonian Air, Estonia’s national carrier, was founded on 1 December 1991. Estonian Air, with head-quarters in Tallinn, provides for both business travellers and tourists direct air link from Estonia to many European cities.

Estonian Air is offering direct flights from the Estonian capital, Tallinn throughout Europe: Amsterdam, Barcelona, Berlin, Brussels, Copenhagen, Dublin, Dubrovnik, Hamburg, Helsinki, Kiev, London, Milan, Minsk, Moscow, Munich, Oslo, Paris, Rome, St Petersburg, Stockholm and Vilnius, as well as from Tallinn to Kuressaare and from Kuressaare, Pärnu and Tartu to Stockholm.

In spring 2007 Estonian Air established a subsidiary company Estonian Air Regional which operates Estonian Air’s domestic and short-haul flights to neighbouring regions.

Estonian Air carried 756 795 passengers in 2008.

Estonian Air is owned by the SAS Group, the State of Estonia and the Estonian investment bank Cresco.

Additional information:
Ilona Eskelinen, PR Director

AS Estonian Air, Lennujaama 13, 11101 Tallinn
Phone: +372 6401 178, Fax: +372 6401 204
pr@estonian-air.ee; www.estonian-air.com

THE CROSS OF LIBERTY AND THE MONUMENT TO THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE IN TALLINN

Tue, 28 Apr 2009 13:08:50 GMT

War of Independence and the Cross of Liberty

In the Estonian War of Independence, which took place from 1918–1920, the Estonian side lost 6 275 men and women, with many more injured.

To recognise the service of participants in the War of Independence, the first Estonian state decoration, the Cross of Liberty, was created in 1919. The Law on the Establishment of the Cross of Liberty stated that those who provided military and civilian services during the creation of the Republic of Estonia could receive the decoration.

Strict guidelines were followed in awarding the Cross of Liberty, so it became Estonia’s most distinguished award, as well as the only one whose holders were legally given a number of privileges and concessions. The first seven Crosses of Liberty were bestowed in August 1919 on officers of the US Red Cross that helped Estonia during the War of Independence. Altogether 3 224 Crosses of Liberty were given out. Among those decorated with Cross of Liberty are Estonians as well as Finns, Britons, Russians, Swedes, Baltic Germans, Danes, Latvians, and Poles, as well as representatives of many other nationalities.

The most famous holders of the Cross of Liberty included King Albert I of Belgium, King George V of the United Kingdom, Danish King Christian X, Swedish King Gustav V, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, Polish Prime Minister Władysław Sikorski and Marshal Józef Piłsudski, French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau, Latvian President Kārlis Ulmanis, and Finnish President Kaarlo Juho Ståhlberg.

Along with deserving individuals, the Cross of Liberty has also been awarded to the city of Verdun in France, where one of the bloodiest battles of World War I took place. The allies that helped Estonia in the War of Independence were honoured by placing Crosses of Liberty on the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in Great Britain, France, and Italy.

The designer of the Cross of Liberty was the famous Estonian artist Nikolai Triik (1884–1940).

In 1925, the Riigikogu passed a law to discontinue bestowal of the Cross of Liberty, saying that the services of the individuals who were notable in establishing the independence of the state and freedom of the nation had been honoured. However, the awarding of the Cross of Liberty as a military decoration was preserved, and the guidelines for awarding it still exist in today’s Decorations Act. The last holder of the Cross of Liberty, Karl Jaanus, died on 6 October 2000 in Estonia.

Preserving the memory of the War of Independence before and after the Second World War

In addition to honouring the most remarkable soldiers in Estonia’s War of Independence and allies that served the Estonian nation, Estonia also wanted to preserve the memory of all those who fought in the war. Many local monuments were established in memory of the War of Independence, but there was no central memorial, one dedicated to the whole nation. The idea to create a War of Independence memorial dedicated to the people was born in 1919, before the war had even ended. In 1936, a law was passed to construct a national memorial monument to the War of Independence, and the plan was to unveil the victory memorial on the 25^th anniversary of the Republic – 24 February 1943. Preparations were discontinued due to the Second World War and its aftermath.

In the second half of the 1980’s and the beginning of the 90’s, most of the Independence War monuments that had been destroyed during the occupations were restored by the initiative of the community. The matter of creating a national monument to the War of Independence also came up once more.

The creation of the Monument to the War of Independence in Tallinn

In spring of 2005, the Riigikogu decided to create a War of Independence victory monument in Tallinn’s Freedom Square, thereby realising the concept that was formulated back in the time between the two World Wars.

In 2006, a contest was set up to find the best design idea for the War of Independence memorial to be constructed. The contest guidelines stated that “through the memorial, the Estonian people are showing respect and recognition to those who, gun in hand, established our independence, as well as those who have stepped up with words or weapons in the name of Estonia’s freedom and independence”. There were over 40 submissions to the contest, and the winner was the design entitled “Libertas”.

In the winning design, a central role is played by the Cross of Liberty as Estonia’s national service award with the most prestigious history and the most important symbol of the War of Independence. The use of the Cross of Liberty as a symbol in the victory memorial to the War of Independence is nothing new – the Cross of Liberty as a motif has been used on many local memorials to the War of Independence created before World War II and later restored. The 1^st rank, II division Cross of Liberty on the memorial – the highest recognition for personal bravery – has never been conferred on anyone. Now it is being used to symbolically honour all of Estonia.

The War of Independence Memorial, which is now in the construction stages, will be opened in Tallinn on 23 June 2009.

The Golden Mask Festival hosts Three Estonian theatres in March

Fri, 30 Jan 2009 08:39:43 GMT

The special program of the Golden mask festival MASK PLUS presents three performances from Estonia.

March 18th 19:00 GEP, NO99, Tallinn, Estonia
Center of Meyerhold

March 19th 19:00 - GEP, NO99, Tallinn, Estonia Center of Meyerhold

March 25th 16:00 - Gamers, Estonian Puppet theatre
The Center of Meyerhold

March 25th 19:00 - Hamlet. Werewolf, Estonian National Opera",Talllinn
Theatre Novaya Opera

March 25th 20:00 - Gamers, Estonian Puppet theatre
The Center of Meyerhold

Estonian Ambassador to Russia Presented his Credentials

Wed, 21 Jan 2009 08:57:33 GMT

Estonian Ambassador to the Russian Federation Simmu Tiik presented his credentials to President Dmitri Medvedev on Friday, 16 January.

In his speech to the ambassadors, President Medvedev expressed hope for constructive co-operation with Estonia among other countries, and also addressed the need to improve economic co-operation.

“Relations between Estonia and Russia can be repaired and advanced with the help of practical co-operation, for example by concluding agreements related to the cultural and social sectors,” said Ambassador Tiik.

Ambassador Simmu Tiik was born on 19 February 1959 in Tartu. He completed Tartu’s 1st Secondary School (Hugo Treffner High School) and graduated from the history department of Tartu University. Ambassador Tiik has worked for the Tartu Public Library; since 1993 he has worked in the political planning department of the Foreign Ministry and in the Estonian Embassy in Copenhagen. Tiik has worked as an external advisor to the prime minister and served as the Estonian ambassador to Ireland, and before going to Russia Tiik was the director general of the Foreign Ministry’s 3rd political department.

Tallinn Chamber Orchestra: concert in Moscow 16.03.2008

Wed, 27 Feb 2008 13:45:16 GMT

The IXth annual music festival “Dedication: “The Portrait of Joseph Haydn at Vienna” will be opened on March 16, 2008 at the Vrubel Hall of the State Tretyakov Gallery. The organizers – the “Musica Viva” orchestra, the constant artistic director of the festival Maestro Alexander Rudin and wonderful artists invited to the festival will present original programs. The genius Joseph Haydn surrounded by his great and less known contemporaries will form the center of the event. The union of fabulous composers performed by exceptional contemporary soloists and ensembles will create the feeling of a unique musical atmosphere of Vienna at the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th centuries.

IX International Music Festival “Dedication”
State Tretyakov Gallery (Lavrushinskiy pereulok, 10)
Vrubel Hall

“The Portrait of Joseph Haydn at Vienna”
March, 16, Sunday, 16.00 – Opening the Festival

L. Kozeluh (1747-1818) Symphony g-minor, cat.#I:4 (1787)
G.K. Wagenseil (1715-1777) Cello Concerto A- major
I. Haydn (1732-1809) Symphony #45 “Farewell”

Chamber orchestra of Tallin Philarmonic society (Estonia)
Conductor and soloist Alexander Rudin (violoncello)

6.12 - Estonian folk music concert in Moscow

Wed, 05 Dec 2007 22:00:00 GMT

6.12.2007 at 19.00

Concert: Magic bagpipe

Estonian folk music group RO:TORO
Cätlin Jaago - bagpipes, jew's harps
Marko Mägi - saxophone

Venue: HUNGARIAN CULTURAL, SCIENTIFIC AND INFORMATION CENTRE, MOSCOW

Povarszkaja 21
Metro: Arbatskaja, Smolenskaja

Free entrance!

The Economist 16.08.2007- The truth about eSStonia

Wed, 22 Aug 2007 09:12:38 GMT

Read the article at Economist.com

Joint statement of the President, Speaker of the Parliament and Prime Minister of the Republic of Estonia

Tue, 08 May 2007 11:31:00 GMT

The battles of World War II in Europe ceased sixty-two years ago. Although guns were silenced, it seemed that some countries would never again be reconciled. The two world wars that left Europe exhausted and insecure, together with the former hostility, seemed to be too much for generous forgiveness and restoration of confident relations.

Yet countries reconciled and forgave, which is why Europe Day on 9 May is also the day of reconciliation. The European Union, a member of which Estonia is, was born to avoid any further violence between European countries and Europeans and to establish a solid foundation for the welfare, stability and peaceful future of all countries and their citizens.

Today in Estonia we have a reason to repeat: all of us who live in this country continue to be Europeans. Dignified. Free. Caring for and respecting each other and our country.

The anniversary of the end of World War II makes all of us think about a victory over a certain totalitarian regime. The pain and horrors of war did not care about nationality. Everyone who was thrown into the turmoil of war suffered. We mourn all the people that we lost in war.

For many, the end of World War II means the victory of freedom over tyranny, and for many it means that one violent regime was replaced with another.

History is not learned and taught in the streets. Estonia knows how valuable a free and democratic society is; here everyone can celebrate their victories and commemorate their lost ones. However, a precondition for that is dignity towards oneself and others.

We believe in the wisdom and rationality of Estonian citizens and their desire to protect their country.

We have a common future. Our people in Estonia. Estonia in Europe.

President of the Republic Toomas Hendrik Ilves
Speaker of the Riigikogu Ene Ergma
Prime Minister Andrus Ansip

Estonia extends note on Tõnismägi remains to Russia

Tue, 08 May 2007 09:50:44 GMT

On Monday, the 7th of May, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Estonia extended a note to the Ambassador of the Russian Federation, Mr. Nikolai Uspenski, informing him that the remains found at Tõnismägi most probably belong to Soviet soldiers.

The research data from the Bureau of Forensic Medicine of Estonia confirms that twelve adult individuals were buried at Tõnismägi. From external observations, nine of the individuals can be confirmed as being male. Upon receipt of the DNA results, final confirmation and details will be forwarded.

When compared, the positions of the remains and grave markers correspond to the burial positions shown in photographs dating to the original interment. Therefore, we can assume that the recently exhumed remains found at Tõnismägi belong to the twelve individuals buried there in 1945, according to a certificate commissioned by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and compiled in 2006, which also provides fourteen probable names for the individuals.

The reburial ceremony for these twelve individuals is scheduled to take place in the second half of June at the Estonian Defence Forces cemetery on 14 Filtri Road. In preparation for the ceremony, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has requested the Russian Embassy to inform the Estonian authorities by the 7th of June of close relatives of the deceased who would like to participate. The travel expenses of two close relatives of each of the deceased will be covered by the Estonian State.

Estonia is interested in identifying the remains, which can be achieved by comparing the DNA of the remains with those of close biological relatives. To this end, Estonia is asking Russia to provide the DNA profile of two close relatives for each of the exhumed individuals. Estonia will reimburse the expenses of collating and analysing these DNA profiles.

Additionally, Estonia will provide for any DNA analysis of likely close relatives residing in Estonia. These persons living in Estonia should contact the Estonian Red Cross for more detailed information.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs requests the Russian Federation to forward all information concerning close relatives living in Russia via the Russian Embassy in Tallinn.

The Embassy of the Russian Federation has been requested to forward the necessary information as soon as possible, as final preparations for the reburial ceremony will be made by the 7th of June.

The public will be informed in detail of the identification process by the end of this week.

FOREIGN MINISTRY PRESS SPOKESMAN'S OFFICE
+372 6 377 654
+372 50 94 645
pressitalitus@mfa.ee
www.vm.ee

MINISTRY OF DEFENCE PUBLIC AFFAIRSi DEPARTMENT
+372 717 00 78
press@kmin.ee
www.kmin.ee

Foreign Minister will not meet with members of the State Duma

Tue, 01 May 2007 13:31:12 GMT

Tuesday, 1 May – The Estonian Foreign Minister refused to meet with the Russian State Duma delegation.

“By welcoming the State Duma delegation, Estonia has proved to the international community its good will in desiring to hold open and transparent dialogue with Russia”, said Paet. “All the more that the suggestion of a visit by representatives of the Russian State Duma came as a result of the telephone conversation between German Chancellor Angela Merkel and Russian President Vladimir Putin,” he added.

According to the Foreign Minister, it is clear that the objectives of the Russian visit are completely the opposite. The Estonian Foreign Minister emphasized that he does not see any reason to meet with a delegation whose members have during the duration of the visit only tried to interfere in internal Estonian matters. “The behavior of the Duma delegation as well as their declarations have been extremely unacceptable,” stressed Paet.

“I will not meet with a delegation that spreads only lies regarding events in Estonia and whose objective is not the accurate portrayal of the situation, but rather election campaigning,” said Paet. The Foreign Minister added that Estonia will not agree with the inappropriate demands of the Duma delegation members. “I believe that it is out of line to spread lies about the Bronze Soldier, to make demands for the resignation of the Estonian government and to take random vicious statements as well as not to participate in agreed meetings,” noted Paet.

“The Duma members were not scheduled to visit the excavation site at Tõnismägi, because Estonia had formally requested that the Russian Embassy name an observer for the excavation process, which the Russian side categorically refused to do,” said Paet. “Election campaigning and slander, which have characterized the behavior of the State Duma delegates in Estonia, is utterly disgraceful,” emphasized the Estonian Foreign Minister.

Other members of the Estonian Government also cancelled their meetings with the Russian State Duma delegation.

SPOKESMAN’S OFFICE
+372 6377 654
+ 372 50 94
pressitalitus@mfa.ee
www.vm.ee

The EU promises to help in solving the situation at the Estonian Embassy in Moscow

Tue, 01 May 2007 10:52:06 GMT

30 April - Late this evening, Foreign Minister Urmas Paet spoke by telephone with the European Union Presidency, Germany’s Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier.

Foreign Minister Paet brought the situation at the Estonian Embassy in Moscow to the attention of the EU Presidency. “The Russian side has not made any attempts to ensure the security of the Estonian Embassy in Moscow or the security of its workers,” said Paet. German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier promised a rapid European Union response to help normalise the situation around the Estonian Embassy in Moscow.

Foreign Minister Paet also gave an overview of the Russian State Duma delegation’s visit to Estonia. “We have demonstrated our good will in welcoming the State Duma delegation. However, the delegation has intervened in internal Estonian matters by demanding the resignation of the democratically elected government,” stressed Paet.

SPOKESPERSON'S OFFICE
(372) 6 377 654
(372) 50 94 645
pressitalitus@mfa.ee
www.vm.ee

President of the Republic On the 89th Anniversary of the Republic of Estonia 24 February 2007, Vanemuine Theatre, Tartu

Fri, 02 Mar 2007 15:07:20 GMT

My dear fellow countrymen in this hall, at home and abroad,

Excellencies,

Dear ladies and gentlemen.

We have gathered here to celebrate the 89th anniversary of the Republic of Estonia in Tartu, where we this year also observe the 375th anniversary of Tartu University. Estonian statehood goes hand in hand with our intellectual awakening: the existence of the university and the birth of the republic cannot be considered separately. Without Estonian intellectuals, the idea of an independent, democratic nation state would never have grown beyond a nameless longing.

For a long time, Estonia was just an idea. An idea born in this city, among intellectuals, writers, and students. The idea began to strike root in organisations and societies: choir, library, orchestra, agricultural and temperance societies. The Learned Estonian Society was founded here in Tartu in 1838, and its activities resulted in the birth of our national epic. The Alexander Schools movement gathered momentum when Jakob Hurt, then a student at Tartu University, became Chairman – just as he became head of the Estonian Writers’ Society later on.

Here, at the Vanemuine Society, Carl Robert Jakobson held his First Fatherland Speech in 1868. Also the first all-Estonian song festival took place in Tartu a year later. Without exaggeration it can be said that it was here, in Tartu, that a generic rural peasantry sang themselves into the Estonian nation.

Estonian theatre was born here, in Tartu. As was our blue, black and white flag, originally as the banner of the Estonian Student Society, sewn by Miina Härma, Emilie Beerman and Paula Hermann.

The idea that started to bud here in Tartu, primarily around the university, gave a dispersed rural peasantry, smothered under the arbitrary dictate of the Baltic landed gentry, an understanding that they need look up to no one – as some would prefer to do even today, it seems; and that their language was just like any other – an answer to the question posed by a Tartu student almost 190 years ago:

Can the language of this land,

by rising up to the sky

in the wind of song,

not search for an eternity for itself?

Today, the coherence that creates an intellectual foundation and structure among a people, and leads to the creation of a nation state, is called civic society. This phenomenon was noticed in the 19th century in the United States by the Frenchman Alexis de Tocqueville, who concluded that civic society formed the basis of a successful and functioning democracy. The 19th century rulers of Estonia did not read de Tocqueville, but they, too, were worried about the abundance of peasant, student, and intellectual societies, their discussion nights and newspapers, carriers of the spirit of democracy.

Looking back at Estonian history today, we see it was here, in Tartu, that the foundation of our statehood was laid. This is where the Tartu Peace Treaty – the birth certificate of our nation, making us an equal among other nations – was signed in 1920. And this too is a reason – though not the only reason – why we are here in Tartu today.

What began as an idea, became reality, our state was born on a foundation laid by civic organisations – societies, congregations, choirs. Just as the restoration of independence in 1991 would have been unthinkable without the Estonian Heritage Society, student societies and fraterneties, Citizens’ Committees and the Popular Front in late 1980s. All these were civic initiative, not a gift from somewhere. Not something received from above, but something that rose from amongst us, and from witihin us.

Ladies and gentlemen, dear fellow citizens,

We live in a cultural space where we consider it a given that we take our own decisions, not follow orders from above. This is also stipulated in our constitution: the supreme power of the state is vested in the people. And although we trust our authorised representatives in the Riigikogu and the Government to take the day to day decisions of governance for us, it is our right, every four years, to judge the work of our elected representatives. How did they do, were they worthy of the trust, we, the citizens invested in them? Or did they abuse it? This is for each of us to decide, each of use can give his judgement.

I call upon you to judge by the right criteria. I want the voter to know: you get what you vote for. The wisdom and complexity of governing is greater than any slogans, any promises. Voting for a slogan, you will receive in exchance a policy not of governance, but of hoarding money for the next elections. I ask you: chose wisely, be demanding, weighing not promises but deeds.

Let us make use of democratic choice and create a country to our liking. Let us show we are not indifferent.

Yet let us admit that, unfortunately, the approach to the elections we have witnessed in the case of some politicians, reproduces indifference. Indeed, I too am troubled and saddened by the fact that our election campaign slogans and commercials, with their simple-minded claims, underestimate the voter rather than inform him. The issues and figures that have been dragged into the campaign have little in common with the serious questions that we face as a people and a country.

Our forefathers went to war to win the right to vote on their future. Not voting therefore shows contempt and disrespect not only for one’s self, one‘s friends and family, but also to one‘s parents and forefathers. Not voting is also a personal loss: he who does not vote shall be voiceless for four years, with no right to pass judgement on development of his country.

Ladies and gentlemen,

There is another, deeper reason, why we all need to go vote. Recently, I read in one sitting one of the best essays ever written on the impact of 50 years of foreign occupation on our lives: an essay, which in its precision belongs to the same Parnassus as the works of Czeslaw Milosz, Milan Kundera and Václav Havel. I speak of Enn Soosaar’s essay “Father and Time”, in which he writes:

”The election preferences of the last few years show eloquently that many East Europeans consider the proliferation of double standards in politics and economy to be something self-evident ... (we) deceive ourselves if we refuse to see that the failures following the restoration of our freedom result from the delayed impact and burden of the past. The ideological manipulations that deepened people’s cynicism and absolved them of moral responsibility, have left a permanent mark on the consciousness of a large number of people.”

What do we conclude from this? I conclude that election day is the time and the place where each of us render our own judgment of cynicism and manipulations.

Therefore, let us rather ask – what is it that our election campaigns do not speak of?

Elsewhere in the world, analyses of the current economic situation in Estonia speak of the danger of over-heating, the current account deficit, that our economy produces insufficient added value. The election platforms and slogans of some political parties rather give the impression that economic cycles do not apply for Estonia.

I understand the purely human desire to spend more, to be well off, or at least better off. Especially after 15 years of efforts and difficult circumstances. Nonetheless, in spending we should not take risks that could jeopardise everyone’s well-being were we to face some bleak or even grey scenario in the future.

One of the basic truths of economy calls for decisions in wealthier times that would help us to manage in leaner circumstances later on. Do our entrepreneurs invest a sufficient share of their record profits in innovation, which, among other things, would help us with our labour deficit, increasingly a stumbling block to our development?

On a national level, the rising tax revenues could bring about political consensus and agreement on large scale investments. Shall we build a safe, four-lane north-south motorway, a bridge to Muhumaa, a network of wind energy parks on the North-West coast, or shall we invest in the modernisation of the health care system – all this is a matter of choice. But let us make our choices, because a better or more opportune time for making these choices may not come in the foreseeable future.

Poverty brings discord at home, old Estonians said. I wonder why rising state revenues have produced no agreement among our politicians?

Instead, year to year, we see the process of budget planning, where bluster over surpluses seems to be a logical part of the procedure. No attempts are made to conceal the fact that a surplus of billions of kroons is planned into the budget, yielding an effective political weapon in Estonia’s everlasting election campaign. It is no secret that our supplementary budget reflects political preferences rather than rational needs.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Let me take a closer look at a phenomenon that if continued, or worse, aggravated – may lead us to a dead-end and stagnation. Researchers who have studied the reasons for success and failure and East European and transition states have convincingly concluded that allowing public procurements to be made on a political basis halts the development of a country.

We know the phrase “kickback”, where politicians procure orders or tenders for companies that in turn support the politicians who have helped them. Lately, this phenomenon has been given an even more pertinent name: “semukapitalism“ (crony capitalism).

If market competition and best offers are replaced by party connections, a collapse is inevitable sooner or later. An oil refinery, landswaps, public institutions‘ leases, summer house deals, public parking arrangements, renovation of schoolhouses – all these keywords reek of corruption and untransparent machinations.

We could of course say – so what? Who suffers? ? It is the purposeful use of the taxpayer’s money that is lost, fair competition, but more generally, for all the inhabitants of Estonia, the opportunities of our children and grandchildren in the future.

I repeat what I said when assuming office: Arbitrary or disguised preference of one or another group deceives our citizens; it violates the contract between citizens and the state. It undermines citizens’ confidence in a just state. This would slowly but surely cut through the supporting pillars of the rule of law.

We can see how these same cronies of the politicians begin to think of themselves as ”the chosen ones”, as ”masters of life”, who stand above and beyond the law and rules of society. The worst that can befall them is a small fine which they pay, accompanied by arrogant comments.

Throughout the centuries, Estonians have had to count pennies rather than pounds. This may be the root of the problem, lack of experience handling large sums of money. And it has always been a subject of ridicule, if we think of the classical works of Estonian literature.

Let us therefore think of Jaan Tõnisson, who has said, most truthfully: „The vices that are revealed in the life of our nation cannot be rectified by law or public authority, but only by the impact of virtue.“

Dear people of Estonia!

The birth of the Republic of Estonia 89 years ago, the long-cherished idea that was shaped into our country, rescued the Estonian nation from peril of death. Considering the merciless annihilation of Estonians who lived in the Soviet Russia in the 1930s, we may but imagine what the fate of our nation would have been at the high tide of the Stalinist repressions. We know what happened to our Finnish-Ugric brethren at that time. We know, for example, what happened to nearly two hundred thousand Ingrians, of whom only a tenth survived to witness the collapse of the Soviet Union.

We Estonians were saved by our state.

During the first period of Estonian independence, most of the Russian Orthodox churches in the Soviet Union were demolished. The Petseri Monastery, on the other hand, was situated in the territory of Estonia at the time, flourished and managed to see the present day. In a way, it is a monument to the independent and democratic Estonia. Just like the villages of Old Believers on the coast of Lake Peipsi.

The atrocities committed in Estonia after our annexation and occupation have left a wound in the Estonian soul, a wound that has not healed even today. The research of Tartu University sociologists indicates that almost 65 per cent of Estonians lost at least one near relative during the occupation period. Sixty-five per cent, two thirds.

Therefore, the moral void that allows a state to consider the Soviet Union’s victory over Nazi Germany its own, and yet to shrug off the responsibility for the execution of thousands of Estonians and the deportation of tens of thousands Estonians, is particularly abhorrent. And that state – to the contrary – justifies and defends the murderers and the deporters. And taunts Estonians, calling them fascists.

Those accusations proceed from the fact that we have a democratic state!

Another man from Tartu, Artur Alliksaar, another of our poets deported to Siberia, wrote:

Käidi ja külvati varjude seemet,

sest valgus hakkas võrsuma

/They came and sowed the seeds of shadows

For light had begun to sprout/

Indeed, they needed no law to demolish the cemeteries of fallen soldiers and our monuments of the War of Independence. But, my dear compatriots, let us again recall the advice of Marcus Aurelius: the best revenge is not to become like them.

A free, democratic Estonia, governed by the rule of law, where we enjoy freedom of speech and where the Constitution is not merely a meaningless fiction, is the best revenge for the grim tribulations of Estonia. We are democrats, in spite of all that has been done to us. We do not behave or speak like Soviets.

Let us recall Oskar Loorits’ words from more than half a century ago, I quote: ”We do not engaged in history to become entangled in glamorising or bewailing the past, but rather in order to draw inspiration to maximally realise our potential in the present and certainly also to achieve optimally our goals in the future." End quote.

Our European outlook and dignity are our response to those who must qualify the the term “democracy” with the qualifier “managed ” or “sovereign”. A state where democracy is incomplete, where justice depends either on wealth or connections with the powers-that-be, perforce fears democracy and freedom of speech on its borders. Thus fear of democracy becomes the engine of foreign policy.

This means also that Estonia cannot move forward, while fearfully glancing over her shoulder, shaping her political decisionsproceeding from the injustices of the past. We must break free intellectually from that sphere of influence to which we were consigned against our will by two criminal regimes in 1939.

We have an alternative – our duty to secure and firmy root Estonia in Europe, in the European Union We must begin to act as a European nation. This means that we no longer view Estonia’s success separately from the success of the European Union. We are the most pro-European nation in the European Union. We know the the possibilities this affords us.

Therefore, I recommend voters ask the political parties running for office in the Riigikogu for explanations. For instance, why are we unable to adopt Euro? Are we to adopt Euro only after our economy has been caught in a crisis?

The Estonian voter expects the next government to have a clear and transparent approach to the issues of the European Union. The childish question – what will the European Union think of us in connection with a bronze statue? – must be replaced by a much more important question: what is Estonia doing in Europe? Let us rather find an answer to that.

Dear people of Estonia,

It is our duty to maintain and carry on the legacy of our parents: the idea of the Estonian state,. Our strength is in our values, in our ideals, in our character and our moral attitudes. Without those, we are powerless. We, after allhave no oil or gold resources, no super-weapons.

A small nation must keep together. And rejoice over our small, everday successes and heroic deeds. We must pat each each other on the back, praise honestly, but if necessary, also calmly point out what has gone awry. what.

The Republic of Estonia was born of the common aspirations and efforts of educated Estonians. So too, the continued development and well-being of Estonia is dependent above all on proper education. This is what leads me to turn toward the entire nation, to parents and pupils, to ask you to think critically about the future of the educational system of Estonia.

Our universities are producing a multitude of experts in fields whose utility is sometimes are hard to grasp. Today, the success of a country is no longer dependent on the existence or non-existence of natural resources, on cheap or expensive labour. The success of Estonia will be determined by the share of people specialising in the sciences and engineering in our society.

No one will make discoveries, become an inventor, a scientist or a researcher, if they have no contact with mathematics, physics, chemistry or biology. Our society is neither large nor rich enough to offer our youth an unchallenging education offering instead the path of least resistance. So that if mathematics and science are too much, then let’s give them higher education in a field that, if times become harder, would leave them without a job or sustenance.

A society that considers a university degree to be a value in itself, and concentrates on marketing and business management, will not, in my opinion go far. In the highly competitive world economy, Estonia will be propelled forward by people who are able to create new medicines, write computer programs or contribute to the creation of new sources of energy. Our success depends on having many scientists. We need people with a technical education, we must value vocational skills, professionalism and inventiveness.

This is a challenge from which their is no escape. And part of this challenge must be taken up by Tartu, Estonia’s leading university and science city, which for several years now has also been the home of our Ministry of Education and Research.

Dear people of Estonia,

We have reasons to be proud and happy. Our small nation, on the edge of the Western European civilisation, has despite our inherent critical-mindedness and scepticism retained its competitiveness and vigour.

The recent Grammy Award confirmed internationally what we have all known for a long time: maestro Arvo Pärt and the Estonian Philharmonic Chamber Choir represent the absolute top in music. The accomplishments of our athletes last year are the envy of much larger nations. Estonians are the creators of Skype, the Internet telephone system. Bookshops in Estonia are no longer replaced by fashion boutiques, but instead expand. Young Estonian film-makers surprise us with new, clever and original creations.

More and more children are born in Estonia. Our homes and villages are becoming more and more beautiful, schools more and more student-friendly. Travel around Estonia and you will see. If this does not prove that we are brave as a nation, what does? We believe in the future, and that we will endure. Despite all tribulations and setbacks.

Today is our country’s birthday. A country that indeed is our fortune and our joy – we love our country unconditionally, as a parent loves a child. We grumble and scold, because actually we worry about for our country’s well-being. We take offence, deeply, if someone says so much as a bad or unfair word about Estonia. We take the criticism to our hearts if there is even a grain of truth in it.

We are not indifferent. We are guided by our faith that this country, brought forth by our forefathers and –mothers, will persevere grow and flourish. We feel responsibility, and the will to learn. We feel obligation to speak out loud and clear, or through the written word. Let us do so, for example, as part of the national essay competition announced yesterday.

Having a secure place – the securest place we have ever had, throughout centuries – in Europe, in the European Union and in NATO, the safeguards of basic western values – we can say that we have no enemy beyond our borders, no enemy, at least, whom we need fear. If Estonia has enemies, they are to be found within us: indifference, callousness towards fellow human beings, arrogance, a parvenu mentality, lack of consideration of fellow citizens. Our enemies are mendacity, corruption and cronyism. Hatred, unwarranted slander, envy and egotism are the enemies of Estonia’s well-being.

These enemies can be overcome if we keep together, preserving the beauty of our country.

As another Tartu man, the poet Hando Runnel once said:

Ilus on ikka isamaa pale/

kui sellelt pühkida kõik mis on vale.

/Beautiful nonetheless is our fatherland’s face

If we wipe from it all the grime in its place/

Yet Runnel asked, in his collection of poems that suddenly forbidden when it was due to appear:

Valet me tunneme, tõesti kõik teame/

Ent kas just meie-need pühkima peame.

/We all know the lies, to the point of weeping

But need it be we who must do the sweeping/

Now, in the Republic of Estonia in 2007, we are again free to decide on our own. The Light is stronger than shadows. Let us then sweep away the lies we know. Let the light grow, and weave our triumphal wreath.

These tasks are for no one but us, who live here.

Let us retain these feelings, this faith. Let us cherish the beauty of Estonia. Happy birthday, dear Estonia!

The President of the Republic On the Anniversary of the Tartu Peace Treaty, 2 February 2007, Estonia Concert Hall

Mon, 05 Feb 2007 09:36:21 GMT

It seems utterly impossible to be able to summarize in two sentences. the entire War of Independence, which ended with the Tartu Peace Treaty and the Republic of Estonia stepping onto the world map.

We do, however, find a short and accurate description in Command of the Day No. 1308 from the Commander of the Armed Forces, which Lieutenant General Laidoner issued on March 28, 1920, the day he resigned his post.

“For thirteen months, Estonia’s army fought an immeasurably large and strong enemy under the most difficult of conditions, repulsed all its offensives, and liberated the land and people of Estonia. The enemy was forced to recognize us as an independent state and to make peace with us.”

In addition to the bravery of schoolboys, volunteers, and Estonian officers and soldiers who had recently fought in the Russian Army, we were helped by the politicians of the day who had the skill and courage to take correct decisions.

Estonian politicians could have used the same courage and skill later, especially in complex times in the second half of the 1930s.

Nevertheless, Estonia can be proud of the 20^th century, because she won twice. First, the War of Independence, and secondly in the Cold War. Estonia has remained on the side of the victors. This should enable us to relate to the 20^th century with the magnanimity and confidence of victors and to overcome the humiliating fear of the vanquished.

The second of February gives us the right and opportunity to look at our past and speak about how history may affect the present and the future.

We remember our victories. Be it the War of Independence, or the Tartu Peace Treaty, or the re-establishment of independence upon the ruins of the Soviet Union. Every people and nation must remember and commemorate its victories.

How to relate, though, to the victories of other peoples? Especially if one of these peoples lives here in Estonia with us and in a situation where their victory is not at the same time, ours? Moreover, how to treat their victories, when their celebration in fact turns into a celebration of our losses?

The destruction of Nazism—a victory for all of Europe—deserves to be celebrated. Half of Europe, however, was subsequently bent for decades under Moscow’s rule. This meant loss and suffering for Estonia. In the beginning

killings, arrests and mass deportations, later persecution, russification, intimidation, and destruction of the spirit.

History can be multi-colored. For Russia and also for many Russian-speakers in Estonia, the Second World War means the Great Patriotic war that took place in the years 1941-1945, when the Nazis attacked the Soviet Union and were defeated.

For Estonia, as well for Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland, the Second World War began two years earlier, on August 23, 1939, when two allies, Stalin and Hitler, divided Europe into their spheres of influence. This was followed by the agreement on the stationing of Soviet military bases, the overthrow of the government, loss of one’s state, and various occupations.

This all lasted until August of 1991. It was only on September 1, 1994, when the last Russian soldier departed, that we could again feel like the masters of our own land.

How to manage with this complicated past? The recipe could be simple: everyone has the right to celebrate their victories and commemorate their losses.

Oswald Spengler said there is poetry to history. Currently we see how history, or rather the understanding of the past, is dividing the people living in Estonia, just like trenches and anti-tank defenses.

The Estonian nation, which lost thousands of sons and daughters in the wars and repressions of the 20^th century, understands what the victory in the Great Fatherland War means to the Russian, Ukrainian, and Belarusian people. However, if instead of commemorating the fallen on the 9^th of May, people instead celebrate Estonia's occupation, and in doing so deny the suffering of the Estonian nation, then this we cannot tolerate.

Esteemed countrymen.

Estonia’s historical gaze is trained to see suffering rather than achievements, losses rather than victories. Fear and preconceptions rather than pride and openness dominate in our views. It’s as if in our minds we are still fighting the Second World War, we continue fighting the occupation. Just like another country, not very far from here, finds it necessary to justify its actions during the 20^th century.

Unfortunately, Russia does not want to recognize the words of its first president Boris Yeltsin, in Hungary in November 1992, when he said that after the destruction of fascism, another ideology of violence descended on Eastern Europe. President Yeltsin, who apologized for the violence caused by the Soviet Union, said that one must know one’s own history, because without the

complete truth, justice cannot be restored, and without the complete truth, there can be neither remorse nor forgiveness.

Yes, truly. Either there is remorse or there isn’t. Just like you cannot demand that someone apology, because apologizing is a matter of conscience, upbringing, and civilisation.

Estonia has repented and apologized for those compatriots who committed crimes against humanity during the German occupation. The courts of re-independent Estonia have administered justice to those who murdered or deported civilians during the Soviet occupation or shot in the back resistance fighters who hid in the forests.

It is insulting when compatriots of President Yeltsin, who offered his apology in Hungary, now accuse Estonians of rewriting history in favor of the Nazis. This accusation is wrong and it is unfair to those who took up arms to protect the freedom won for our nation in the battles of the War of Independence. This insults all those who lost their homes, homeland, families health, and lives in the war unleashed by Germany and the Soviet Union.

Estonia is not rewriting its history. It is writing that which could not be written or even read during the years of occupation, and which the entire western world has known throughout this period.

The problem is rather that Russia’s own historiography continues to labor under Soviet fantasies that no one in the free world takes seriously. Although, they are believed by those who do not have the possibility to read anything else.

Therefore, we do not have to start “explaining Estonia’s history to the world”, as some suggest. The civilized world has known it all along, and in deed based its non-recognition policy on this knowledge.

At the same time, we need not overstate the importance of demonstrations and threats directed at Estonia, which come from our neighbor. Instead let us be concerned that more than 15 years after the restoration of independence, we remain critically lacking in academically examined facts regarding who did exactly what in occupied Estonia in the years 1945-1991.

We should not, therefore, be surprised that a large portion of the Estonian population has a poor or contrary understanding of our history. A thoroughly researched recent history, translated into various languages, is also a spiritual liberty or memorial monument that is waiting to be raised. It would help us all, including our Russian compatriots and those of other nationalities, to understand what actually took place.

The International Commission for the Research of Crimes Against Humanity

established by President Meri has compiled and published its first voluminous compendium of over 1,300 pages, which describes events in Estonia in 1940-1945. A description of the second half of the 1940s is expected.

We may not, however, stop there. The whole Soviet occupation in its entirety must be examined. Including the times we may not please, when the blame may not rest only on the shoulders of the occupiers from abroad.

Collaborationism in Estonia is as little examined here as occupation has been in Russia. If we wish not to fall into the same trap of selective treatment history that we see to the East, we must make an honest and thorough examination of Estonian history up to August 1991.

Investigating history and understanding the past, my dear compatriots, is much more important and painstaking work than fighting with monuments. This is a job, moreover, that no one else will do for us.

Ladies and gentlemen.

We speak of injustice, of how Estonia is charged with absurd accusations. Yet it is also unjust for Estonia’s politicians to yield to temptation to garner additional votes and use history as a club rather than a textbook.

Unfortunately, we have seen this too since last spring. Now we are arriving at a situation where Estonia itself is distributing ammunition to our critics to fire at us.

In the case of the so-called Bronze Soldier, a situation has developed, which Augustinus would have characterized when he spoke about history—it is all equally right because it is equally wrong.

In a situation, where many of the young people living in Estonia do not consider the Soviet Union to be an occupier but a liberator, our society is faced with a serious problem. The problem will not be solved simply by removing the Bronze Soldier, or leaving it in place.

Rather let us think about everything we have achieved with our victory 15 years ago. We do not have to worry about absurd and false accusations, about whether and how this will affect Estonia’s accession to the European Union or NATO. We are understood and we are firmly in the European Union and NATO.

We do not need to react to insults and idiocy. We can be above all this. We live in a free and democratic country, which we ourselves have created. Our history, with all its grandeur and its shameful stains, is open.

I call upon the Estonian public and politicians to rally their wisdom and dignity.

Let us look toward the future, and see what is important for Estonia, Europe, and world,

We must not, however, forget the past, especially those men and women, to whom we owe our victory in the War of Independence, to whom we owe our country. Only our own failure to come to agreement has left those who fell for Estonian independence without worthy homage. There is still no Liberty Monument. Meaning we also have not been able to mark our victories for future generations.

Let us finally erect in a worthy place our Liberty Monument.

Today and on February 24^th, let us light candles on the graves of those who fell in the War of Independence and at the monuments commemorating them. Let us hoist our national flag and rejoice.

After all, ultimately, we are the victors, in defiance of all our losses and tribulations.

Address by Foreign Minister Urmas Paet to the Riigikogu

Thu, 07 Dec 2006 13:38:10 GMT

Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Estonia,
to the Riigikogu on behalf of the Government of Estonia

07. December 2006

Address by Mr. Urmas Paet,
Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Estonia,
to the Riigikogu on behalf of the Government of Estonia

MAIN GUIDELINES OF ESTONIA's FOREIGN POLICY

Honourable Chairman,
Respected Members of the Riigikogu,
Dear guests,

In accordance with the agreement concluded with the Riigikogu Foreign Affairs Committee, this address is devoted to matters concerning enlargement and partnership with states in the neighbourhood of the EU and NATO. Various questions and significant points, which are of essential importance for Estonia’s foreign policy, are all intertwined with this. But this is not the only reason why enlargement and relations with our neighbours are spheres of primary interest for us. They become essentially important for us when we realize that everything occurring today and tomorrow within Europe’s borders, and even beyond them, has a very long-time effect upon Estonia as well as the whole European Union and NATO. Thus – one wrong choice, and the after-effects remain with us for a long time. Therefore, when making a choice, the foremost criteria should be the balancing of values and interests, the relationship of domestic and foreign policy, as well as public opinion. And certainly not the least important factor – responsibility. The responsibility that the wealthier bear for the less privileged. The responsibility that the more advanced bear for those yet developing. The responsibility that club members bear for membership candidates

Distinguished Riigikogu,

In the course of the last two months, I have met with many colleagues in the EU’s and NATO’s neighbour and partner states, with the representatives of nations, which regard as a major goal of their people and state integration with the organisations that are the embodiment of Western values. What are these states expecting from us? First of all, attention, understanding, and support for their endeavours to become normal, secure, democratic nations. And what is not expected of us – to forget them; to treat them with arrogant condescension; to disregard those values, which we have proclaimed after the regaining of our independence, and have set up as an example for others. We are fully aware of the problems that Eastern European and Western Balkan states have to struggle with, and we have solutions to offer, that are appreciated in those nations, and which they are trying to implement.

If the first decade that followed the regaining of our independence witnessed a reduction of tensions in the world, then, at present, in the international arena, there are ever more tensions and challenges. This makes Estonia observe NATO’s and the European Union’s neighbouring regions with even greater consideration – after all, peace, stability and the development of democracy there are of the utmost significance for us. Since, thereby, the peace and stability of Estonia is also increased.

In 25 days, Bulgaria and Romania will be part of the European Union. We greet them and wish them speedy development. We are prepared to pass on our experiences from that most trying post-accession period. Estonia has opened its embassy in Sofia, and is considering the time schedule for establishing its representation in Bucharest.

This is also a new experience for us – for the first time we are old-timers who are observing what the neophytes are bringing with them. The first of our entrepreneurs are beginning to operate in these states. We also have to be prepared for the fact that Bulgarian and Romanian products will begin to compete much more than before in our market. A development, which we as believers in free trade, greet wholeheartedly, since it has been so useful for us. Estonia will also open its labour market for Bulgarian and Romanian citizens as soon as these states accede. Just as we expected and expect similar treatment for us from other member states.

For Estonia, the further enlargement of the European Union is a matter of observing European values and promoting its interests. The enlargement of the European Union has greatly influenced the international way of life as a whole – it has expanded the region of peace and stability in Europe, and strengthened the European Union’s voice in international relations. Enlargement influences the European Union’s successfulness in the field of global economic competition, and expands the region of European values. It increases efficiency in the prevention of wars and other conflicts, as well as in the furthering of democracy and human rights in the world. The European Union is today functioning in a world in which Asia is gaining a stronger role, and in which Russia is becoming more active than before. No matter how active the European Union’s single Member Sates, or groups consisting of them, including the bigger Member Sates, are, in today’s world, this, often, does not suffice. To be able to essentially influence events in the international arena, it is necessary to make use of the potential of the whole 25-member Union, and function collectively. Estonia consistently stands up for making the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy more effective, and hopefully the EU has learned from the bitter experiences of the beginning of the Balkan wars, during the previous decade, when the inability of the Member Sates to reach an agreement resulted in tragedy. There is another example, from recent history, that deals with the disputes preceding the Iraq War, and the inability to reach agreements. We hope to never witness such indecisiveness in the European Union again.

Every step in the enlargement process must, of course, be considered in the context of the development of the whole EU, and its effects upon very differing spheres be thoroughly evaluated. In a week, the European Council will be discussing existing attitudes and opinions concerning enlargement.

The past two and a half years have, of course, been too short a time for a more thorough and scientific evaluation of the last wave of enlargement. But the European Commission’s first analysis, released in May, was clearly positive. The development of those who acceded in 2004 has been quicker, and we are actively catching up to the old-timers. If, considering purchasing power, Estonia’s gross national product per inhabitant, was, in 1996, according to Eurostat data, 34.8% of the 25-member Union’s states’ average, then, in 2004, it already surpassed the 50% level. According to the latest data, last year we were at the 57% level, and very soon we will pass the 60% point. The new Member States have successfully adopted the common rules and regulations of the EU. Thus, by July of this year, the old Members States had not implemented 2.2%, and the new ones, 1.5%, of the legislation concerning the internal market. We have increased the effect that a common market has upon the Member States, and have helped firms to strengthen their positions. In the last few months, there has been a visible speeding up of the development tempo of the EU as a whole, and according to opinions expressed by analysts, enlargement has also played a role in this economic growth.

At the same time, those that acceded in 2004 cannot be held wholly responsible for the phenomena that are preventing our further integration – the postponement of our accession to the euro zone, the slow opening up of the labour market, as well as the difficulties that have arisen with the enlargement of the Schengen area.

Enlargement and relations with neighbours are testing the media’s, the politicians’, and all of the citizens’ readiness to remain true to the established and agreed upon values. This fall, articles with a critical undertone have appeared, in the international media, about new Member States. There is concern over their internal stability, and there are complaints about the slowing down of the economic development in several states. The problems of one or another country are often attributed to all new Member States, which, inevitably, harms the image of even those states that are in no way connected with the reasons for concern.

Shortcomings must be talked about, but not one-sidedly, not by making unfounded generalities, and not by over-dramatizing. In the process of skilfully presenting petty gripes, of pitting one part of the continent against another, of bandying about populist slogans, the positive gains of enlargement, which are, after all, essential for all of Europe, tend to be overlooked. For the people of the new Member States, life has, in two years, clearly improved -- the environment is cleaner, and many states are developing at a very fast tempo, which is accompanied by a constant inflow of foreign investments. Nevertheless, when bringing forth these positive facts, justified concerns must, at the same time, also be talked about. But, it must be kept in mind, that the enlargement of the European Union has made Europe a better place for all Europeans.

But actually, pessimism concerning enlargement is nothing new. It is connected with understandable human prudence. In part, we are also dealing with fear of new and perhaps not so familiar as well as noticeably poorer societies, which seem to contain threats to an established and stable welfare system. But even when successful and rich Sweden, Finland, and Austria were acceding, 11 years ago, there were those who claimed that the acceptance of new members was not justified, since, supposedly, Europe wasn’t prepared for it.

On November 8th, the European Commission released the report “Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2006 – 2007” as well as progress reports concerning the Candidate States and those states that are aspiring to become that. The Commission has found the right approach – enlargement must continue, and, at the same time, its quality must be improved on the basis of acquired experiences. Existing commitments must be fulfilled, but, at the same time, new commitments must be made with caution.

These commitments encompass the ongoing accession negotiations with Croatia and Turkey, the matter of granting Candidate status for Macedonia, and the question of European Union prospects for the other Western Balkan states. But, at the same time, we must keep in mind, that, at the Copenhagen Council, in 1993, the European Union made an indirect commitment to all European nations – they all, upon fulfilling the necessary criteria, must have the opportunity to accede. And this is where the stronger party’s responsibility towards the less privileged becomes apparent.

As happens in the European Union, Member Sates have started to deal with the approaching of the Commission with differing viewpoints. For some, its prudent attitude is an excuse for avoiding the making of new decisions, for others, it’s a stimulus to prepare themselves more thoroughly for upcoming decision making. For us, the choice is clear – Estonia has been, and will consistently remain, a supporter of further enlargement. The December Council must definitely send our neighbours the signal that the enlargement rain is on the move. This symbolic train, the creation of Commissioner Olli Rehn, may, very well, wheeze at times, and stand in some stations longer than planned, but it is rolling.

Enlargement is tied in with the development of all other major European Union processes. Among other things, to accept new Member States, solutions must be found for the various questions concerning existing institutions. If the Constitutional Treaty, ratified by Finland, as the 16th state to do so, the day before yesterday, had become effective in accordance with the original schedule, there wouldn’t have been any major reasons for concern. Today, I wont dwell upon the fate of this document – let us leave these discussions for the upcoming year. But the European Commission finds that institutional changes should be implemented before the new Member, or Croatia, is accepted. We think that, if all parties are willing, then all questions can be solved. For instance, it would be possible to solve the institutional questions associated with accepting Croatia, with an accession treaty.

The European identity encompasses geographic, historical, and cultural elements. The European Union is defined, primarily, by its values. Each generation finds its own approach to the matter. A single, unvaried, European identity does not exist. It is constantly changing, and is comprised of the identities of both nations and individuals. Reforms in Europe’s eastern part, and the intensification of ties with the European Union, will, in the future, definitely bring about essential changes in this sphere. Estonia has always said, that no geographic barriers should be set for the European Union’s enlargement. Since, if the EU sends, in the future, to those that wish to accede, the message that the door is closed, then those left out in the cold might make a choice that could be dangerous and damaging for Europe.

We wish to see the continuation of enlargement, but at the same time, it is essential that integration be intensified too. This does not involve any insurmountable contradictions, such as, either one or the other. Estonia is cooperating with the Partners so that the EU would agree upon and implement new steps in further developing the common market, in environmental matters, in the struggle against crime, in the protection of the consumer, as well as in other spheres.

At the same time, looking at the results of public opinion polls, we see that in the European Union, as a whole, support for enlargement is waning, and that the number of its opponents is increasing. This last spring, 45% were for enlargement, and 42% of the European Union’s citizens were opposed to it. In Estonia, and the other new Member Sates, the support for further enlargement was clearly greater than in the old Member Sates – as much as 66%, and in Estonia, 50%. This is natural, and also places upon our shoulders the responsibility of proving, even more than before, the usefulness of enlargement, and the need for continuing it. To prove this standpoint with both words – by presenting the success story of the enlargement of 2004 – and actions. By being a mature and readily cooperative Member State.

In the case of further enlargement, the European Union has to ensure its capability to accept and absorb new Members. This includes the readiness of its institutions, common policies, and budget to do this. The ability to integrate is, already by definition, a matter relevant only for the EU, therefore, inevitably, a self-centred term. But, right now, we need less self-centredness in Europe, and a more caring sense of responsibility for the continent as well as the rest of the whole world. The question of the ability to integrate is, for us, a matter of tempo, rather than, of whether to enlarge or not. Just as was concluded at the summer European Council.

Presently, the enlargement train’s way stations have been the association treaties that have been concluded with those wishing to accede. These specify the prospects for acceding, as well as spell out the mechanisms for cooperation, trade preferences, etc. Several Western Balkan states also have stabilisation and association agreements that offer prospects for acceding. At the same time, the European Union has partnership and cooperation agreements, which are not directly connected with potential accession.

Only the prospect of membership, even if it is, time wise, far away, ensures the complete and irreversible Europeanness of the Candidate States’ reforms. And states, that potentially wish to accede, can very well sense if they are being peddled an alternative to accession, even if the latter is a remote possibility. When the prospect for EU accession disappears, then, unfortunately, it can be assumed that there will be essential negative changes in the disappointed state’s policies.

The European Commission’s progress report concerning the development of Croatia, which is holding accession negotiations, on its way towards the European Union, brings forth both achievements and shortcomings. We know, from our own experience, how complicated this stage of the negotiations can be, when many of the questions under discussion are still being solved. Croatia has shown lively interest in our experiences in various spheres. This is also the country in the Western Balkans to which we export the most goods, although the volume of this trade is still quite modest. In various forums, there has been talk of Croatian accession taking place in 2009-2010, but officially, the EU is, from now on, ready to talk about concrete deadlines only towards the very conclusion of the negotiations. Hopefully, Croatia will still become the EU’s 28th member within this decade.

When evaluating Turkey’s accession negotiations, we must take into consideration the European Union’s common strategic interests. Last year’s September 21 Declaration concerning Turkey’s commitment to apply the region of implementation of the Ankara Protocol to all Member States, including Cyprus, gave directions for doing this, even foreseeing circumstances, which could impede the negotiations. In our opinion, from now on, both the letter and the spirit of the Declaration should be adhered to. Thereby, the EU must react to Turkey’s shortcomings in implementing the Ankara Protocol, but this reaction must be appropriate, and cannot lead to the breaking off of negotiations. The not opening, for negotiations, of the chapters directly connected with the implementation of the Ankara Protocol is the right reaction. According to our evaluation, there are three such chapters – free trade, the tariff union, and transport. Serious discussions concerning this will take place at the upcoming EU foreign ministers’ meeting, and, its not impossible, also at the Summit following that.

The reforms and changes that have been carried out in Turkey, during the last few years, have already taken this country closer to the European Union, and the democratic changeover must, of course, be continued. The negotiations with Turkey will probably last ten or more years, but the goal of the negotiations must also be concrete for Turkey. In the course of the negotiations, mutual understanding between the EU and Turkey will definitely improve, and both societies will be able to adjust to the concept of Turkey being a potential EU member. It is clear, that the Turkey, which, years from now, accedes to the European Union after the successful conclusion of the negotiations, will no longer be today’s Turkey, and especially not the Turkey that we knew five or ten years ago. Conforming Turkey to certain requirements for EU accession is also a great opportunity for drawing the Christian and Islamic cultural and religious spaces closer together in a friendly manner, and for these societies to significantly learn to better understand each other. The important example, that Turkey can offer us, is how democracy, Islam, and secularism can coexist. How Turkey is doing, and how the nation evolves, also influences other states and developments both in the Middle East, North Africa and Central Asia, where these events are followed closely. Turkey also offers a significant opportunity for the EU to diversify its energy supply routes.

When talking about the Western Balkans, we are dealing with a region that is of essential significance for Estonia’s foreign policy. A couple of years ago, this all may have seemed to be in the realm of wishful thinking, but, by now, our policy is even starting to bear realistic fruit. Our relations are intensifying – at the beginning of the year I was in Macedonia and Kosovo, in the summer, in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Montenegro’s foreign minister visited Estonia before their referendum, and today, on 7 December, the foreign minister of Macedonia is Estonia’s guest. And we have also been visited by Albania’s foreign minister, as well as the foreign minister of the former Serbia and Montenegro.

We are glad that, last year, Macedonia became an EU Candidate State. Although accession negotiations will not be started with Macedonia in the near future, it is essential that Candidate State status was achieved. Considering the present development trends in Serbia and Kosovo, it can be said that Candidate State status is an essential stabilising factor for Macedonia and the whole region, which helps to approach the future in a positive frame of mind, and to avoid those mistakes, which brought about the outbreak of a conflict in that state in 2001. Macedonia wishes, in many ways, to learn from Estonia’s experiences in approaching NATO and the European Union, as well as in the sphere of developing information technology, and Estonia has given its appropriate assistance. And especially praiseworthy is Macedonia’s ambitious endeavour to become a Balkan economic “Tiger”.

This summer, a new state appeared on the map of Europe – Montenegro. Estonia was the first state to establish diplomatic relations with Montenegro. Estonia was also the first state to have its ambassador present his credentials to the president of Montenegro. Why? Because we know, from first hand experience, how essential it was for us, that we would be quickly recognized by others as an equal state. Montenegro is developing quickly in the Western Balkans, and the prospects for the development of both political and economic relations between Estonia and Montenegro are very good. The European Union is about to conclude talks with Montenegro concerning a stabilisation and association treaty, and, hopefully, an appropriate agreement will be signed soon. This will also open up accession perspectives for Montenegro.

One of the key states in the region is Serbia. The country is approaching parliamentary elections, which will essentially influence the choices that the nation will make as well as the formulation of the state’s foreign policy. We must keep in mind the thinking that has developed in the area in conjunction with the negotiations concerning Kosovo’s future, as well as Montenegro’s secession. Within the framework of the EU and NATO, it is important to keep developing relations with Serbia. It is, for instance, essential to conclude a visa facilitation treaty as quickly as possible, since over three quarters of Serbia’s young people have not visited a single EU Member State. And limiting the freedom of movement creates resentment. Meanwhile, the international community continues to demand that Serbia cooperate with the international tribunal dealing with the former Yugoslavia’s war crimes.

At the Riga Summit, Serbia, just like Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as Montenegro, were invited to participate in the NATO Partnership for Peace programme, and this is a visible indication of the NATO states’ interest in the positive development of this region.

Estonia continues to contribute to various EU and NATO operations in the region. The solving of Kosovo’s status has reached the home stretch, but that stretch might not be as straight as it could be. Even when Kosovo’s status is established, the need for an international presence will not disappear, so that we will also have to make decisions concerning our continued presence there. Of no less importance is also NATO and EU activity in connection with the building up of Kosovo, with the main stress, in this realm, falling, specifically, upon the shoulders of the European Union. But it is quite clear, that the incipient EU civilian mission has to establish a very smooth working relationship with the NATO mission that is already there.

The UN’s special ambassador, Martti Ahtisaari, has established the goal of building up a Kosovo in which all the various communities can live together on a dignified basis. Meanwhile, the negotiations concerning Kosovo’s future have not, especially, made Belgrade’s and Priština’s positions any more compatible. Nevertheless, in the course of the following two or three months, but which will be, since the upcoming Serbian elections will be somewhat delayed, later than originally planned, Ahtisaar is expected to make a proposal concerning Kosovo’s future status.

Likewise, Estonia has a consistent policy concerning Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as Albania. All of them are in need of a continuous and clear European Union perspective, since only that can provide an opportunity for the region’s normal development, and for the forgetting of old animosities.

The messages sent to the Western Balkan states from the NATO Summit in Riga should encourage them to make greater efforts to approach not only NATO, but also the European Union. After all, we know from first hand experience, how tightly tied in with each other are integration into both NATO and the European Union, the two most important organisations for the maintenance of Western values.

This is also one of the reasons why Estonia is interested in meaningful dialogue and cooperation between NATO and the European Union, as well as in mutual coordinating on a daily basis. After all, everyone involved shares common values, and, today, 19, whereas, starting in the new year, 21 members are also shared. Cooperation between the European Union and NATO means coordinated activity in the course of operations, as in Afghanistan and Kosovo, as well as the intensification of mutual political dialogue. The dialogue between NATO and the EU is an essential element in the development of trans-Atlantic relations as a whole. Therefore, NATO and the EU must also discuss, in addition to matters concerning operations, threats to security in a strategic context – for instance, energy security, terrorism, and future threats to security. For us, the European Union and NATO are not competitors, but rather, they support and compliment each other.

Distinguished Riigikogu!

And now, back to the European Union, or to be more precise, back to its Neighbourhood Policy, which was launched at the same time as the last enlargement took place. The EU is interested in a secure, stable, and blossoming neighbourhood, which observes such values as democracy, the rule of law, good governance, and human rights. This policy was used to encompass Ukraine, Moldova, and, to a limited degree, Belarus, as well as three Southern Caucasus states, and ten Middle East partners. Within the framework of the Neighbourhood Policy, intense cooperation is developed with these states in the political, economic, security, and cultural realms. The Neighbourhood Policy is implemented with states on the basis of individual action plans, of which there are 11. On December 4, the European Commission released progress reports about the implementation of the Neighbourhood Policy up till now, and presented ideas for strengthening it.

The Neighbourhood Policy will also be tied in with enlargement, but there will be nothing automatic about it – enlargement will, of course, take place where it is desired, and where the Copenhagen criteria have been fulfilled. Thus, the Neighbourhood Policy should not be regarded as an alternative to the membership prospect, since, for some state, it can be a means to achieving membership, but for another, it would not be that at all.

The Neighbourhood Policy is one of Estonia’s priorities in the sphere of a Common Foreign and Security Policy. For us, both an eastward and a southward direction are essential. But we have more competence and opportunity for contributing to, specifically, the EU’s eastern neighbours, and we devote special attention to Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine. Along with the development of mutual relations, multilateral cooperation is also essential, including a proposal to hold regular European Union and Ukrainian, Moldovan, as well as the three Southern Caucasus states’ foreign ministers’ joint meetings.

Nevertheless, the EU should do more than it has been doing till now in this sphere. This concerns the promoting of trade, the easing of travel restrictions, making greater contributions to the solving of frozen conflicts. In Estonia’s opinion, the Commission’s proposals are a good basis for making progress.

At the same time, EU and U.S. cooperation are also essential in supporting the new democracies. So that activities in this realm would be coordinated, and that the messages being passed on to the new democracies would be mutually supportive and similar, all with the aim of developing a strong civil society in these states. Whereas, it is essential to support both the rooting of democratic values, as well as economic development, since economic activity, without any values, could, very possibly, result in extensive corruption.

One of the European Union’s Strategic Partners is Russia. After Estonia’s accession to NATO and the European Union, some additional opportunities have opened up in our relations with Russia. In several spheres, we can talk about good cooperation, but it still has not been possible to eliminate a single one of the more essential political problems concerning Estonian and Russian relations. Russia does not want to, unfortunately, admit, that the Soviet occupation, which stalled Estonian development, was a historical reality. We are also concerned about the fact that extremist groups are becoming active in Russia’s political life, and about the situation in the democracy and human rights realm.

Trade between Estonia and Russia has increased noticeably, but this has also been accompanied by problems. For instance, in the case of exporting fish products. Also, we are, now and then, concerned about the long waiting lines for automobiles on the border between our two countries, which affects the interests of the trucking firms of many European Union countries. To this we can add problems with Polish meat, Norwegian salmon, Georgian and Moldovan wine, juice and mineral water, as well as warnings about the importing of European Union products after January 1, when Bulgaria and Romania have become EU members. But for a state about to join the World Trade Organisation, matters concerning trade should not be a means for achieving any political objectives. And the EU must support its members who have been subjected to this pressure, and must, right now, help to solve the difficulties that have arisen with the exporting of Poland’s meat and Estonia’s fish products.

Likewise, Russia’s attitudes towards countries, that have established as their goal the democratisation of their society and the development of a civil society, are causing concern. When Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine, for instance, wish to be democratic states with open societies, then this would, of course, also benefit Russia. Every state should want its neighbours to be stable and peaceful democracies.

Estonia regards it as being very essential, that the European Union, when dealing with Russia, remain true to its values, and maintain its internal unity, and not sacrifice its values for the sake of pragmatic interests. Russia is a strong Partner, and the European Union’s unitedness is very important from the standpoint of a balance of interests. Inevitably, the EU, in its every-day dealings with Russia, also experiences difficulties in cooperating in the energy sphere, or in trading with Russia. Primarily, these are the concerns of the smaller Member States. Therefore, Estonia is doing everything to ensure that the negotiations, between the European Union and Russia, concerning the follow-up to the Partnership and Cooperation Treaty, can begin as quickly as possible. In this connection, it is very essential to establish common EU positions, and to maintain them.

Among the achievements of the recent European Union and Russian summit is the agreement concerning the step-by-step elimination, by the year 2013, of tariffs for flying over Siberia that are imposed upon EU airlines, which will, definitely, also benefit Estonian travellers. The treaties dealing with visa facilitation and re-admission that were concluded in the spring with Russia, are awaiting entry into force. These documents are in accordance with Estonia’s interests, and would simplify travelling for many of our citizens.

On November 24, a summit also took place in Helsinki concerning the Northern Dimension, where the European Union, Russia, Norway, and Iceland were represented. Future cooperation must, of course, take into consideration Russia’s own increasing opportunities and sense of responsibility – a state that spends a great many resources upon the military aspect of its security, should also be able to find them for environmental security.

The fact that in the middle of Europe, in the form of Belarus, there still remains a grey authoritarian zone, is an anomaly. Sooner, rather than later, Belarus society must also change, so that the imprisonment of opposition leaders, for their views, is no longer imaginable, so that young people do not have to escape to neighbouring countries to study, so that people do not have to fear repressions from their fellow countrymen, who are in power. And for changes such as these, Estonia is offering concrete support.

We have been developing a European Union policy towards Belarus, which would help to achieve democracy, the rule of law, and human rights in that state. Presently, Belarus is able to take advantage of only a limited number of Neighbourhood Policy projects, since certain limits have been imposed. The European Union has aided Belarus in eliminating the results of the Chernobyl catastrophe, and we support the independent media, as well as radio and television broadcasts directed at Belarus. Estonia has accepted university students for whom studying in Russia has become impossible, with the government giving them scholarships.

On November 21, the EU Commission presented Belarus a document that lists, for Belarus, the beneficial steps that the European Union would take, if Minsk confirmed its readiness to make changes in the sphere of democratisation and protection of human rights. Primarily, it would mean that extensive European Union aid programs would open up within the whole framework of the Neighbourhood Policy. The Commission’s document presents 12 clear conditions – democratic elections, freedom of the media, etc. The spheres in which Belarus would benefit by changing its policies include, for instance, better opportunities for travelling, new trade opportunities, participation in transport and energy networks. Needless to say, Estonia is waiting, along with the other Member States, for a constructive answer from Belarus.

Distinguished Riigikogu,

Estonia supports the continuing of NATO’s enlargement policy. NATO’s and the European Union’s parallel enlargements have, together, strongly and irreversibly transformed Europe’s and the world’s political landscape. At the recent Riga Summit, NATO sent out a clear message – the door is open for further enlargement. Praise is given to the efforts of candidates Albania, Croatia, and Macedonia, for their preparations for becoming members. At the alliance’s next summit, in 2008, those states, which meet the requirement standards, may be invited to participate in accession negotiations. Estonia has never, in its committed support for enlargement, forgotten the significance of the candidates’ homework. Enlargement must, very clearly, be connected with the candidate states’ progress, and the decisions must be based upon the results achieved.

During the last two NATO enlargements, there were great doubts among the politicians and, somewhat, even in the governments of existing Member States. Some thought that all, or some, candidates were not ready to fulfil the commitments of a member of the alliance. It was thought that the new members might bring along such a quantity of special interests and inexperience that the NATO leadership would be paralysed. Some thought that the inviting of one state, and not inviting another, might bring forth strong emotions and problems in their mutual relations. Some thought that, keeping in mind the critical opinions coming from Russia, it would be wiser to avoid the supposed upsetting of Moscow. But, nevertheless, in both cases, the decision was made, and in this, the position of the biggest Member State, the United States, played a significant role. And now, there is a general consensus concerning the last two very successful enlargements. The new Member States have played a role in helping to conclude NATO’s agreements. Our objective has always been to be part of the solution, not the problem. We have been active participants in various missions and operations.

Even in the Russian dimension, NATO can bring forth some positive developments – for instance, the activities of the NATO-Russia Council. But, unfortunately, Russia has still not implemented the OSCE Istanbul Summit resolutions concerning the evacuation of troops from Georgian and Moldovan territory. Moldova and Georgia have, in these matters, the support of many states, which believe, that it is important that the territorial integrity and sovereignty of both states be fully respected. This position was also confirmed by the recent NATO Summit. The continued presence of Russian troops is also preventing the solving of frozen conflicts, and is crippling the development of these countries. I am not aware of any authorities in the European Union or NATO, who would be prepared for the creation of, for instance, another Kaliningrad oblast in Moldova’s Transnistria territory.

With shifting power relationships, and in a crisis-ridden world, NATO must, both modernise and enlarge itself, cooperate intensively with the European Union and other organisations, develop partnership relationships with states that share the same values, like Australia, New Zealand, South Korea, and Japan. In a world with various power centres, NATO must preserve its trustworthiness concerning both the maintaining of its principles and the fulfilment of its main tasks. NATO is the most powerful defence alliance in the world, and it is faced, at the same time, with the challenge of also being the most adaptable. In addition to being able to combat terrorism and narcotics, as well as to deal with natural disasters, the basic objectives cannot be forgotten, just as the principle of “one for all, all for one”.

The modernising of NATO, and adapting it to new challenges, is also reflected in several Riga Summit decisions. In addition to the Summit Declaration, the Comprehensive Political Guidance was adopted, which complements the NATO Strategic Concept for the next 10-15 years, and establishes essential guidelines in the alliance’s transformation process. It was announced that the NATO Rapid Reaction Force was in operational readiness.

As far as Estonia is concerned, we strongly support the principle of further enlarging NATO as well, and actively involve ourselves in the endeavour, helping and supporting those, in the Western Balkans, in Eastern Europe, as well as in the Southern Caucasus, who would potentially accede. With our fresh baggage of experiences, we are an essential source of inspiration for states wishing to accede.

The basis for further enlargement must consist of values. I do not approve of borders within Europe – the only limits we have are determined by the readiness to share values, the ability to prepare oneself, and the true desire to contribute to the alliance. This means, among other things, the maintaining of a constant political dialogue with our partners. We were hoping, before we acceded, that NATO would be a bigger and more constant political discussion forum for its members, than it, unfortunately, presently is.

The main driving forces of enlargement will continue to be the states that actually wish to accede. Presently, we have 3 Candidate States: Albania, Croatia, and Macedonia. Estonia is, in every way, helping them to make their preparations. Among other things, next February, the Baltic Charter and Adriatic Charter foreign and defence ministers’ meeting will take place in Tallinn, where, in addition to the 3 states from either region, the United States will also be represented. Invitations are also to be sent to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, and Serbia.

Ukraine has developed fairly close contacts with NATO, and thanks to the intensified dialogue, NATO is aware of Ukraine’s problems, and Ukraine is aware of NATO’s and its Member States’ opinions. In Ukrainian society, the discussions are far from having formulated any final answers, and after the present government assumed office, it did not ask NATO for a Membership Action Plan. But, if Ukraine, nevertheless, decides to present a definite and explicit application, and implements the necessary reforms for obtaining an Action Plan, then we will support that wish.

We are glad about the decision to raise NATO’s relations with Georgia to the Intensified Dialogue level. This will help Georgia to speed up the necessary transformations, and Estonia is, for its part, ready to offer help and support. Georgia’s reforms, plus its activities on behalf of peace and stability in the interests of both regional stability and the solving of internal conflicts, would increase trust among NATO members. Convincing progress in these matters would create prospects for achieving a Membership Action Plan. Extremely essential would be the support of the international community for Georgia concerning the matter of its territorial integrity and the departure of Russian forces.

In supporting states interested in trans-Atlantic integration, it is essential to cooperate with the United States. These matters were discussed during the U.S. president’s visit to Estonia before the NATO Summit. We had very similar views concerning NATO development.

Distinguished Riigikogu!

Eastern European states have an essential place in Estonia’s bilateral development cooperation. According to Estonia’s development cooperation and humanitarian aid development plan, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine are our priority Partner States. In addition to bilateral projects, good results have been achieved by combining efforts with third states like Finland, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and, in the future, after the discussions at the recent meeting, possibly, also the U.S.

In aiding Georgia, Estonia has, this year, again trained its government officials, police officers, prison officials both independently as well as together with Finland, Iceland, the UN, and the OSCE. We are continuing to help Georgia to implement its Deer’s Leap programme, based upon our Tiger’s Leap, and in which the e-Government Academy is playing an essential role. Every year we are developing new contacts in Georgia, and we are able, thanks to intensive relations, able to give aid just where it will do the most good.

Cooperation with Moldova built up steam just recently, and in this Partner State, comparable in size to us, it is possible, with our limited resources, to make essential contributions. I visited Moldova at the end of October, and opened, in Kishinev, the Estonian Honorary Consulate. There, we are also training officials, and supporting the supplying of schools with computers. Within the framework of the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy, Estonia is supporting the European Union’s border guard mission, EUBAM, on the Moldova-Ukraine border, which has the assignment of preventing illegal trade and improving border security on the Transnistria border sector. Estonia has contributed 5 experts to this mission, and I met several of them when I visited the Platonovo frontier post.

We have been cooperating well with Ukraine for several years already. The new essential milestone will hopefully be the Ukrainian president’s upcoming visit to Estonia. Since we are dealing with a large nation, then, naturally, when participating in the cooperative effort, we must find, among the other states and organisations, the role most suitable for Estonia. We are continuing to train Ukrainian government officials and diplomats. Kiev is especially interested in seeing our officials who have just dealt with European Union accession.

Estonian representation in priority states has increased step-by-step. Within this ending year, we will be opening our embassy in Georgia, and our diplomat will start representing us in Moldova. Working conditions have also been improved in the Kiev Embassy, which, after the Tbilisi Embassy becomes fully functional, can concentrate more on Ukraine itself and Moldova. The development of our network of representations also has an essential effect upon our opportunities for participating, with our information and our activities, in the European Union’s and NATO’s policies in that region. It also helps to achieve better results in our development cooperation projects.

Honourable Chairman, distinguished Riigikogu!

In the preamble of Estonia’s Constitution, it is stressed that the Estonian state is based upon freedom, law, and justice. This also applies to our foreign relations. In our relations with our neighbouring regions, we need to constantly remember these values. We are obligated to do so by the good memories of those supporters of Estonia who, even during the most difficult of times, still encouraged us to keep trying. Secondly, we are obligated by the sense of responsibility with which I began this speech – things went well for us, so now we must also stand up for others. And thirdly, but this is definitely not the least important factor – a high-principled policy, the sharing of values, has, in the end, time and again, proven to be the most practical policy for promoting our interests. The resolute observance of explicit enlargement principles will result in a better, safer, wealthier, more stable Europe and world for us all. Who can have anything against that?

Thank you.

Estonian President sends message of condolences to the President of the Russian Federation

Fri, 14 Jul 2006 11:15:27 GMT

11.07.2006

In a letter to his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin, Estonian President Arnold Rüütel conveyed on his own behalf and on behalf of the Estonian people deep condolences to the families of the victims of the Irkutsk aircraft disaster.

The message of condolences reads: ''It was with deep sorrow that I learned of the news of the horrible accident involving a passenger plane from Moscow that crashed in Irkutsk, causing the deaths of over one hundred people. I wish you and your people the strength to overcome this terrible tragedy.''

Public Relations Department of the Office of the President
Kadriorg, July 10, 2006

Estonia makes gift to the Estonian community of Upper-Suetuk

Fri, 14 Jul 2006 11:13:21 GMT

12.07.2006

A delegation from the Estonian Embassy in Russia took part on 6 and 7 July in festivities marking the 105^th anniversary of the concert band of the ethnically Estonian village of Upper-Suetuk, located in the Krasnoyarsk krai in Karatuz region. Representatives from the embassy conveyed the announcement to the village of a monetary gift made by the Estonian government.

At the 6 June session, the Government of the Republic of Estonia approved an application, submitted in conjunction between the Ministry of Culture and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, to allocate 150,000 Estonian kroons for the purchase of a microbus for the Upper-Suetuk band and school and to support local life in general.

The Upper-Suetuk band was founded in 1901 and has been conducted for the last few decades by village elder Ernst Lell. The musicians of the Port of Tallinn conducted by Heldur Saade also took part in the anniversary concert.

Estonia also donated the funds for a purchase of woodwind instruments for the band, made by Port of Tallinn band leader Heldur Saade and Mati Põdra of the Saxon Wind Instrument Players Society.

The embassy delegation was at the event at the behest of the village council and was received by Vladimir Saar, the chairman of the Karatuz region.

With a population of nearly 300, Upper-Suetuk is the largest village outside Estonia in which Estonians make up the largest ethnic group. Estonians have lived there since the 1850s. Since 2000, a member of the Estonian public service has been working in Upper-Suetuk as a teacher of the Estonian language and culture.

PRESS SPOKESMAN’S OFFICE
6 377 654
50 94 645
pressitalitus@mfa.ee

Comment by the Foreign Minister

Fri, 19 May 2006 13:39:03 GMT

Recently, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been repeatedly asked questions about public statements made by some high representatives of the Foreign Ministry of the Russian Federation, in which they make routine accusations addressed towards some EU and NATO member states, including Estonia. The Minister of Foreign Affairs comments:

"For some time, the EU and NATO have considered the groundless accusations towards Estonia and some other member states not worthy a concise response. In this situation, the Foreign Ministry of the Russian Federation could consider paying more attention to checking the facts and to ensuring that their rhetorics correspond to the facts. The Estonian Ministry of Foreign Affairs supports the rational approach of the EU and NATO and will react only to reasonable criticism today and in the future."

PRESS SPOKESMAN'S OFFICE
(+372) 6 377 654
(+372) 50 94 645
pressitalitus@mfa.ee

Permanent residence permit-holders not affected by long-term resident language requirements

Tue, 11 Apr 2006 09:41:44 GMT

During the hearing of the draft legislation prepared by the Ministry of the Interior altering the Aliens Act, the Riigikogu has decided to bring the integration requirements it sets out for individuals to obtain a long-term residence permit into force as of 1 June 2007.

“The idea of the integration requirement is that foreigners who wish to associate themselves with Estonia for a longer period must be able to speak Estonian at the elementary level when applying for a long-term residence permit, starting from June next year,” said the Interior Ministry’s Kert Valdaru for the head of the Aliens Department.

Until 1 June 2007, applicants for a long-term residence permit will not be required to take the exam. Thus anybody who meets the requirements for the permit may apply for such status without any additional demands being placed on them after the amendment to the Aliens Act enters into force in the Riigikogu on 1 June 2006.

“People who currently have a permanent residence permit will be issued a long-term residence permit automatically and will not have to fulfil the language requirement,” added Valdaru.

Also freed of the requirement are citizens under the age of 15 and over the age of 65; individuals who have obtained their basic, secondary or higher education in Estonian; adults with limited legal capacity; and individuals who are unable to take the language exam due to their health.

Development of the draft legislation to amend the Aliens Act was the result of Estonia's obligation to bring its laws into conformity with those of the European Union. The goal of the directive on long-term residence status is to harmonise the living and working conditions in European Union member states of citizens from other countries.

Press release by Estonian Ministry of the Interior

More information:

Council Directive 2003/109/EC concerning the status of third-country nationals who are long-term residents

Language requirements for applicants for long-term residence permits